International Relations
Alireza Samiee Esfahani; Ehsan Jafarifar
Abstract
IntroductionThe rise of the populist radical-right parties (PRRP) stands out as one of the most significant developments in Western democracies over the past two decades. This trend, seen as a challenging sign within democracy but against liberal democracy, highlights the mounting pressure faced by Western ...
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IntroductionThe rise of the populist radical-right parties (PRRP) stands out as one of the most significant developments in Western democracies over the past two decades. This trend, seen as a challenging sign within democracy but against liberal democracy, highlights the mounting pressure faced by Western political regimes from forces and groups that diverge from the dominant political currents of the last two decades. More specifically, one of the trends in various regions of the EU is the fact that voters, disillusioned by traditional (EU) politics, are turning towards populist and extreme parties both on the left and the right. In this respect, the current research aims to address the question: What were the causes and underlying factors contributing to the rise of radical right parties to power in Europe over the last two decades?Literature ReviewIn Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe, Cas Mudde (2007) delved into the ideology of PRRPs. He identifies three core tenets, namely nationalism, authoritarianism, and populism, contending that PRRPs are not passive entities; rather, they are engaged in actively shaping their destiny within contemporary Western societies. In the article “Economic Insecurity and Demand of Populism in Europe,” Guiso et al. (2022) relied on the approach based on demand of populism to argue that market as well as government inefficiencies in providing security have eroded citizen trust in traditional political parties and institutions. The escalating threats of immigration and globalization have further heightened desperation and fear, contributing to the intensified demand for populist policies. Guiso et al. (2022) explain how this dual crisis, reflected in economic insecurity, systematically influences the demand for populism. In “Conditions Favouring Parties of the Extreme Right in Western Europe,” Jackman and Volpert (2017) conducted a comprehensive examination of systemic conditions influencing the electoral success of extreme right-wing parties in 16 Western European countries between 1970 and 1990. They concluded that factors such as the electoral system, party structure, and higher unemployment rates created a conducive environment for the emergence of such political movements. In addition, Dehshiri and Ghasemi (2015), in their article titled “Fourfold Crises and the Rise of the Radical Right in Europe,” posit that the four crises (i.e., resource distribution, representation, identity, and immigration) played an undeniable role in shaping the radical right movement in Europe.The review of the literature shows different vantage points used to examine the causes, contexts, and consequences of the rise of radical right parties to power. There is a focus on particular aspects such as the electoral system, party structure, identity, and immigration. The novelty of the present research lies in its comprehensive approach based on supply and demand of populism, which explores a combination of socio-economic and political motivations and variables that impact the rise of radical right parties in European countries.Materials and MethodsThe present research used the supply and demand of populism as the framework to conduct a bottom-up and top-down analysis of the rise of radical right parties in Europe during 2008–2018.Results and DiscussionUsing the supply and demand of populism, the research can shed light on different dimensions of the rise of PRRPs in Europe during 2008–2018. On the demand side of populism, the ineffectiveness of governments in managing the financial crisis—often marked by cost reduction, tax increases, and rising unemployment—created the fertile ground for populist tendencies, including anti-immigrant sentiment, xenophobia, Euroscepticism, and nationalism. Meanwhile, the influx of immigrants into Europe, coupled with the adoption of multiculturalism in sociocultural spheres and globalization in the economic realm, could have contributed to the emergence and resurgence of radical right parties. On the supply side of populism, institutional mechanisms and political strategies (e.g., the nature of the electoral system, party ideologies, organizational structures of parties, and party leadership), alongside the influence of messages, rhetoric, and media propaganda, further laid the ground for the rise of radical right parties to power.ConclusionRelying on the supply and demand of populism as the framework, the present research demonstrated that economic and sociocultural demands and dissatisfactions on the demand side (bottom-up approach), coupled with the political and institutional strategies and mechanisms employed by populist statesmen and parties on the supply side of populism (top-down approach), prompted European voters to turn towards radical right leaders and parties. These conditions could foster the political mobilization of citizens by these parties, ultimately resulting in their rise to power, particularly between 2008 and 2018. Following the disorders such as the 2008 economic crisis, the 2014 terrorist crisis, the immigration crisis after 2015, and the ensuing sociocultural dissatisfaction, populist parties and leaders capitalized on the political opportunities available in the populism market, emerging as key players in the political arena. Concerning the supply of populism, radical right parties successfully provided the narratives necessary for political mobilization around shared concerns. They attracted the majority of votes by leveraging legal and institutional mechanisms (such as elections, media, and the unique leadership capabilities), ultimately securing political power.
alireza samiee; jaafar noruzinejad; shahrooz soltan ahmadi
Abstract
The following article seeks to answer the main question: What security approach has the moderate government of Hassan Rouhani put in its agenda during the first term of its presidency (2013-2016)? And more clearly; what are the dimensions, components, and reference, purpose and security strategies in ...
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The following article seeks to answer the main question: What security approach has the moderate government of Hassan Rouhani put in its agenda during the first term of its presidency (2013-2016)? And more clearly; what are the dimensions, components, and reference, purpose and security strategies in this security approach? The research hypothesis is that the security approach of Hassan Rouhani's government, influenced by the requirements of social fields, had a McNamara approach; In a way, the link between security and development, and especially economic, social and political development, has been a priority. The findings show that the Eleventh Government considers national power to be the result of a broader definition of security and considers it a strategic mistake to limit this concept to military power and the use of harsh tools. It has maximized the issue of security and has tried to improve the national security situation by relying on development policies in the fields of economy, society and politics. Qualitative research method of causal explanation and conceptual and theoretical tools for subject analysis, using the security theory of Barry Buzan and Weaver is one of the leading experts of the Copenhagen school. The method of data collection is also library and also the use of scientific resources of cyberspace.
alireza Samiee Esfahani; homan khodabakhshi
Abstract
JCPOA is a milestone in the nuclear diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, which has played a major role in policymaking and implementing institutions and organizations in shaping it. One of these decision-making bodies of the Islamic Consultative Assembly, especially the ninth and tenth assemblies. ...
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JCPOA is a milestone in the nuclear diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran, which has played a major role in policymaking and implementing institutions and organizations in shaping it. One of these decision-making bodies of the Islamic Consultative Assembly, especially the ninth and tenth assemblies. So, the main question to be asked is that what role the 9th and 10th parliaments have played in the process of Iran's nuclear diplomacy, especially in the JCPOA agreement? The research findings based on theoretical models of decision making in the field of foreign policy show that the positions and decisions of the parliament in nuclear diplomacy are based on the outsourcing of decisions of other institutions and organizations such as the Supreme National Security Council, Guardian Council, The Judiciary has been the executive branch. Based on the "limited rationality" of the parliament, the law enforced the government's obligation to maintain the nuclear and legal achievements of the Iranian people, the government's plan of appropriate and mutually beneficial action, the establishment of a special commission for the presentation of the six-month reports of the National Security and Foreign Policy Commission and approval Four bills called the AFTF.
